Former PSOE Secretary Santos Cerdán Seeks Delay in Supreme Court Testimony Amid Corruption Allegations
Santos Cerdán, the former Secretary of the Organization of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE), has formally requested the Supreme Court to postpone his voluntary statement scheduled for June 25. He is seeking to reschedule his appearance for July to provide his lawyer with adequate time to review the complex documentation associated with the corruption case he is embroiled in. This request was made in a document obtained by Europa Press and submitted to Magistrate Leopoldo Puente, who is investigating former Transport Minister José Luis Ábalos and his former advisor Koldo García concerning alleged kickbacks tied to manipulated public work contracts.
Cerdán's lawyer, Benet Salellas—a former deputy of the CUP party and a well-known lawyer in the region—asserts that every investigated individual is entitled to sufficient time and resources to prepare an adequate defense. He advocates for the postponement of Cerdán's citation, emphasizing the significant scope and intricacy of the case, citing a variety of alleged crimes and the considerable public interest stemming from the investigation. Salellas passionately argues that if the request is denied, Cerdán may exercise his right not to testify during the June 25 hearing and, simultaneously, request a new declaration.
It is worth noting that on June 23, just two days before Cerdán's planned appearance, both Ábalos and García are expected to return to the Supreme Court to answer as investigated parties. The backdrop of Cerdán's involvement stems from a report by the Central Operative Unit (UCO) of the Civil Guard, identifying him as pivotal in a scheme allegedly centered around collecting commissions for public works contracts. The document reveals that Cerdán's role evolved over time, initially less involved in the management of payments, which included alleged kickbacks amounting to €620,000 from the company Acciona, but later shifted to a more prominent position.
The inquiries leading to these allegations began with a potash mining project between Navarra and Aragón connected to Geoalcali, which had contracted Acciona in collaboration with another small company, Servinabar. The ongoing relationship between Cerdán, Koldo, and these companies drew scrutiny from investigators. As detailed in the report, the connection between Cerdán and García's political influence is highlighted, signaling that when Cerdán ascended to a pivotal role within the party, he took García with him to Madrid.
The UCO details that Cerdán played an instrumental role in introducing García to Ábalos, facilitating García's ascendancy from a driver position to become a ministerial advisor in under a year. Such roles potentially enabled the duo significant influence over public works contracts that landed favorably for Acciona. Investigative reports indicate irregular contract awards remained under the Ministry of Transport's supervision, with García actively negotiating terms with high-ranking officials.
Conversations intercepted by the Civil Guard also reveal troubling exchanges reflecting a manipulation of contract processes. In one notable instance from 2020, García pressed an Adif president to secure contracts, leveraging the necessary connections within the government apparatus. The scrutiny extends to economic interactions where alleged payments were funneled through Cerdán. The UCO report suggests that these dealings reflect a systematic approach to securing financial benefits through manipulated public contracts.
As events continue to unfold, Santos Cerdán's legal strategy and the responses from the judiciary will be closely watched, particularly as public discourse around corruption moves to the forefront of Spanish politics. Cerdán's plea for a delay underscores the complexities within this sprawling investigation, a narrative that can potentially reshape the landscape of Spanish governance and societal trust in public institutions.
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